What is Democratisation?
The term Democratisation refers to the process by which countries transition to democracy. Typically it describes a long and complex process that encompasses civil society changes, a period of institutional stability, and eventually substantive political change moving in a democratic direction. Democratisation has been the subject of much study, with researchers attempting to identify and explain the conditions that promote it.
It is widely accepted that a number of elements are necessary to democratisation, although there are many competing theories as to what exactly they are. One common view is that economic development creates a middle class with an interest in and capacity to demand greater influence over governance issues. This can be sufficiently strong to force even repressive regimes to capitulate.
Another argument is that education is crucial. Educated citizens are better equipped to understand political issues, are more likely to be active in public affairs and to hold values consistent with democracy, and are more effective at challenging established authority. This is why education has been identified as a critical factor in democratisation by scholars such as Acemoglu and Keller.
In addition to these factors, the presence of a well-established opposition is often seen as essential. This opposition can challenge incumbents and pressure them to reform by demonstrating that a regime is failing. It can also offer an alternative route to power for the ruling elite, making it more willing to compromise and move towards a more democratic state.
There is also a view that political freedoms are essential for democratisation. The right to free expression, for example, is crucial because it enables citizens to discuss their views with others and present them in the media. Without this, it would be impossible for people to form an opinion of what kind of government they want or for the public to express this opinion to their governments.
This theory is not without its critics, however. Some argue that it underestimates the importance of organised civil society groups and of non-governmental organisations (NGOs). These are vital in pressuring authoritarian elites to liberalise, providing legitimacy for democratic demands, and fostering a sense of citizen empowerment. They can help to build the foundations for a functioning democracy, but they cannot substitute for democratic institutions and processes.
A final criticism is that the model tends to overlook the role of international structural forces in shaping the democratisation process. It does not fully account for the way in which international factors can both promote and block democratisation, or how different political systems are more or less susceptible to foreign intervention.
Despite these limitations, the theory of democratisation remains an important one. In the future, analysts will need to shift their gaze from identifying necessary and sufficient conditions to determining causal sequences of democratisation, and from comparative static studies to dynamic analyses of democratisation transformations. It will also be necessary to develop more systematic models of the miscellaneous mechanisms that promote democracy by generating incremental alterations in public politics, inequality and networks of trust.
The term Democratisation refers to the process by which countries transition to democracy. Typically it describes a long and complex process that encompasses civil society changes, a period of institutional stability, and eventually substantive political change moving in a democratic direction. Democratisation has been the subject of much study, with researchers attempting to identify and explain the conditions that promote it. It is widely accepted that a number of elements are necessary to democratisation, although there are many competing theories as to what exactly they are. One common view is that economic development creates a middle class with an interest in and capacity to demand greater influence over governance issues. This can be sufficiently strong to force even repressive regimes to capitulate. Another argument is that education is crucial. Educated citizens are better equipped to understand political issues, are more likely to be active in public affairs and to hold values consistent with democracy, and are more effective at challenging established authority. This is why education has been identified as a critical factor in democratisation by scholars such as Acemoglu and Keller. In addition to these factors, the presence of a well-established opposition is often seen as essential. This opposition can challenge incumbents and pressure them to reform by demonstrating that a regime is failing. It can also offer an alternative route to power for the ruling elite, making it more willing to compromise and move towards a more democratic state. There is also a view that political freedoms are essential for democratisation. The right to free expression, for example, is crucial because it enables citizens to discuss their views with others and present them in the media. Without this, it would be impossible for people to form an opinion of what kind of government they want or for the public to express this opinion to their governments. This theory is not without its critics, however. Some argue that it underestimates the importance of organised civil society groups and of non-governmental organisations (NGOs). These are vital in pressuring authoritarian elites to liberalise, providing legitimacy for democratic demands, and fostering a sense of citizen empowerment. They can help to build the foundations for a functioning democracy, but they cannot substitute for democratic institutions and processes. A final criticism is that the model tends to overlook the role of international structural forces in shaping the democratisation process. It does not fully account for the way in which international factors can both promote and block democratisation, or how different political systems are more or less susceptible to foreign intervention. Despite these limitations, the theory of democratisation remains an important one. In the future, analysts will need to shift their gaze from identifying necessary and sufficient conditions to determining causal sequences of democratisation, and from comparative static studies to dynamic analyses of democratisation transformations. It will also be necessary to develop more systematic models of the miscellaneous mechanisms that promote democracy by generating incremental alterations in public politics, inequality and networks of trust.