Democratisation and Consolidation
Democracy is now embraced worldwide in a variety of forms. Unlike the past when it was confined to Western democracies, almost all states now claim to be democratic. Yet most are far from achieving what might be called a full or substantive democracy. They do not meet the basic democratic criteria of broad participation, equal citizenship, binding consultation and protection of citizens from arbitrary state action. Moreover, their governmental systems lack the institutional capacity to consolidate and sustain these democratic modes of participatory government. This is the challenge of ‘democratic consolidation’ which has generated the new branch of scholarly enquiry called ‘consolidology’. The aim of this article is to explore a range of ways in which democratic consolidation might be facilitated and the barriers to it overcome.
Democratisation is a complex process, and scholars of the phenomenon have offered many different theories of it. One influential school of thought is that a precondition for sustainable democracy is a broad civil society, a network of non-governmental organisations that provide services and organise activism on behalf of citizens. These organisations might address such issues as the environment, corporate exploitation or war. Civil society also provides a forum for debate on political and social issues.
Another condition is a level of education that allows citizens to understand and participate in democratic processes. This might involve formal courses on the basics of democratic theory and practice or more informal activities, such as civic meetings and participation in local campaigns. Research suggests that higher levels of education are associated with greater levels of civic engagement. People with more education voluntarily give twice as much time and money at every income level to civic institutions than those with less, and they are more likely to vote (Hodgkinson and Weitzman, 1988).
A third condition is economic prosperity. This might include low poverty, high growth, and reasonable levels of public services and private goods such as a functional legal system, primary education, health care, secondary education and lower military spending. Research suggests that prosperity is a precondition for democratisation, because it enables citizens to take on civic responsibilities and to develop the capacity to engage in democratic political processes and procedures.
The fourth and final condition is a degree of legitimacy. This might be defined as the perception by the citizenry that the governing authority is legitimate in its actions and that it represents a popular will. It could be achieved by a combination of factors including an effective political culture, public trust in the state and its institutions, and the presence of independent media and an active civil society.
It is unlikely that any of these conditions is a prerequisite for the formation of a substantive democracy, but they are all important components in the long run of democratisation. This article suggests a framework for analysis of the dynamics and constraints of democratisation that may help scholars shift their gaze from a search for necessary or sufficient conditions to causal sequences.
Democracy is now embraced worldwide in a variety of forms. Unlike the past when it was confined to Western democracies, almost all states now claim to be democratic. Yet most are far from achieving what might be called a full or substantive democracy. They do not meet the basic democratic criteria of broad participation, equal citizenship, binding consultation and protection of citizens from arbitrary state action. Moreover, their governmental systems lack the institutional capacity to consolidate and sustain these democratic modes of participatory government. This is the challenge of ‘democratic consolidation’ which has generated the new branch of scholarly enquiry called ‘consolidology’. The aim of this article is to explore a range of ways in which democratic consolidation might be facilitated and the barriers to it overcome. Democratisation is a complex process, and scholars of the phenomenon have offered many different theories of it. One influential school of thought is that a precondition for sustainable democracy is a broad civil society, a network of non-governmental organisations that provide services and organise activism on behalf of citizens. These organisations might address such issues as the environment, corporate exploitation or war. Civil society also provides a forum for debate on political and social issues. Another condition is a level of education that allows citizens to understand and participate in democratic processes. This might involve formal courses on the basics of democratic theory and practice or more informal activities, such as civic meetings and participation in local campaigns. Research suggests that higher levels of education are associated with greater levels of civic engagement. People with more education voluntarily give twice as much time and money at every income level to civic institutions than those with less, and they are more likely to vote (Hodgkinson and Weitzman, 1988). A third condition is economic prosperity. This might include low poverty, high growth, and reasonable levels of public services and private goods such as a functional legal system, primary education, health care, secondary education and lower military spending. Research suggests that prosperity is a precondition for democratisation, because it enables citizens to take on civic responsibilities and to develop the capacity to engage in democratic political processes and procedures. The fourth and final condition is a degree of legitimacy. This might be defined as the perception by the citizenry that the governing authority is legitimate in its actions and that it represents a popular will. It could be achieved by a combination of factors including an effective political culture, public trust in the state and its institutions, and the presence of independent media and an active civil society. It is unlikely that any of these conditions is a prerequisite for the formation of a substantive democracy, but they are all important components in the long run of democratisation. This article suggests a framework for analysis of the dynamics and constraints of democratisation that may help scholars shift their gaze from a search for necessary or sufficient conditions to causal sequences.